Múrinn styrkir Hamas!

 

 

 

 

 

 

Poll: Blockade is making Hamas stronger

19 Jun 2008

According to a poll, commissioned by Gisha (Legal Center for Freedom of Movement) and Physicians for Human Rights-Israel, the majority of Jewish Israelis believe that Israel's policy in the Gaza Strip is not achieving its goals. 

Wriiten by Elana Kirsh, Jerusalem Post Online, June 18

An overwhelming majority - 83 percent - of Israelis surveyed believed that Hamas has strengthened since closure was imposed on Gaza, while 68% said they believe that Israel's security situation had worsened since that time. The closure of the Gaza Strip will not end Palestinian support for Hamas, according to 78 percent of respondents, and 60% said the closure is making life so difficult for Gazans that it is likely to cause more support for Islamic extremism.

Regarding international opinion, the survey showed that two-thirds believed the closure is diminishing Israeli's standing, with one quarter saying that the policy is making Israel look "much worse."

The survey also looked at Palestinian human rights, where the majority was found not to believe support for such rights is anti-Israel, though 39 percent disagreed.

Data showed that 44% of respondents identified themselves as right-wing, 20% called themselves centrist, and 21% left-wing.

Poll writer and analyst Dalya Scheindlin said the survey showed "that Israelis do not believe that the policy of pressuring Gaza residents is effective," and that "there is a strong consensus that the closure primarily affects civilians but is completely ineffective at causing them to replace the Hamas regime."

The director of Gisha - Legal Center for Freedom of Movement, Sari Bashi, surmised that Jewish Israelis were "more realistic" than politicians, and said that "Israeli decision-makers would do well to listen to the people, who are warning them that Israel's policy in Gaza is primarily harming Palestinian civilians - against Israel's own interests."

The survey was written and analyzed by independent pollster Dalya Scheindlin, and commissioned by the human rights groups Gisha (Legal Center for Freedom of Movement) and Physicians for Human Rights-Israel

 

 

 

 

 

© Physicians for Human Rights-Israel, 9 Dror St., Jaffa-Tel Aviv 68135, Israel. Phone: +972-3-6873718 Fax: +972-3-6873029 mailto:mail@phr.org.il?subject=Contact
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Snorri Bergs og Caterpillar.

Sérkennileg skrif Snorra Bergs ná nýjum hćđum í dag.  Innrćti hans og fleiri "vina" Ísraels hlýtur ađ vera áhyggjuefni.  Sérstaklega ef ţađ er algengt, ađ vera svona illa innrćttur!

"Rannsókn."

Ađeins 1 af hverjum 10 rannsóknum á brotum Íraelsmanna gegn Palestínumönnum leiđa til einhverskonar niđurstöđu.  Ţetta segja Ísraelsk Mannréttindasamtök.  Og niđurstađa ţýđir ekki endilega réttlćti í málunum. 
mbl.is Skotárás á bundinn mann rannsökuđ
Tilkynna um óviđeigandi tengingu viđ frétt

Predíkari á norđurlandi jarđsyngur mann! Sönn örsaga úr norđrinu.

Fyrir ekki löngu síđan jarđsöng predíkari á norđurlandi mann, sem látist hafđi eftir löng og erfiđ veikindi.  Fylgdi veikindum mannsins, og dauđa, mikil sorg fjölskyldu hans og ađstandendum, enda mađurinn elskađur mjög af konu og börnum.  Í líkrćđunni gerđi predíkarinn alvarleg mistök, ţar sem hann rangfeđrađi fjölskyldumeđlim.  Eftir athöfnina kom ekkjan í tilfinningaólgunni, sem fylgir kringumstćđum sem ţessum, og bar sig upp viđ predíkarann um fyrrnefnd mistök hans.  Hann hafđi engar vöfflur á, en bauđst til ađ endurtaka athöfnina!   Engin beiđni um afsökun eđa fyrirgefningu hefur borist frá predíkaranum.

Fyrirsjáanleg viđbrögđ!

Enda hér allt í besta gengi, ađ sögn Geirs HH, smávćgileg verđbólga og atvinnuleysi í uppsiglingu.  Ţađ bitnar mest á fátćklingum og ţví óţarfi fyrir formann Sjálfgrćđisflokksins ađ hafa áhyggjur af svoleiđis smámunum!
mbl.is Ekki útlit fyrir ađ ţing verđi kallađ saman
Tilkynna um óviđeigandi tengingu viđ frétt

Ekki hissa!

Ţegar ţetta liđ getur ekki skammlaust flett uppí símaskrá, einsog ljóst varđ í Júgóslavíu á sínum tíma.  Ţar gerđi Nato herinn iđulega árásir á rangar byggingar.  Má sem dćmi nefna árás á Kínverskt Sendiráđ, árás á útvarpsstöđ o.s.frv.

Gengur varla betur međ landakort en símaskrá! 


mbl.is Gerđu loftárás á lögreglu og óbreytta borgara
Tilkynna um óviđeigandi tengingu viđ frétt

www.masada2000.org/ Ţar er skrifađ í anda Villa hafnarbúa og Óla Jó. og fl.

Ísraelskir "extremeistar" sem halda úti heimasíđu um "ÓVINI" Ísraels.  Ţar er ađ finna Elías Davíđsson, frú Dorrit forsetafrú, Ehud Olmert og 7000+ sjálfshatara/Ísraelshatara á lista sem ţeir kalla dirt-list.  Ţví miđur Ólafur Ragnar og Ólafur Jóhannsson eru hvorugir ţarna.  Ţetta má nefnilega heita mikill heiđurslisti!

P.s.  Ćtli ţurfi ekki ađ "googla" heitiđ á síđunni til ađ finna ţetta!  En einnig má komast inn hér einhversstađar í athugasemdum.  Einkar fróđleg lesning!


Kemur okkur viđ! Friđur eđa ófriđur? Sumir munu fagna fari viđrćđurnar útum ţúfur! Og ađ ráđist verđi á Íran!

Hvađ myndi gerast ef BNA eđa Ísraelsríki gerđi árásir á Íran í stöđunni, einsog hún er í dag?  Ég hef séđ ýmiskonar öfgmenn hér á plogginu međ yfirlýsingar um ađ gera verđa árás Íran.  Ţeir eru sjálfsagt ekki ađ hugsa um hinn almenna borgara í ţví landi, konur, karla, börn og gamalmenni, heimsfriđinn né samskipti Vesturlanda viđ heim Múslima/löndin fyrir botni Miđjarđarhafsins.  Eđa hver stađa ísraelsríkis yrđi.  Nei, ţeir vilja bara stríđ.  Allir sem ekki vilja stríđ eru "naívistar". Ţeir vilja stríđ vegna ţess ađ ţeir eru ţeirrar skođunar, ađ ađeins sé hćgt ađ jafna ágreining međ vopnavaldi.  Annađ sem einkennir stríđsćsingamennina er, ađ ţeir vilja frekar trúa fordómum sínum og hindurvitnum, en stađreyndum.  Ţess vegna, m.a. skrifa ţeir pistla sína og athugasemdir um Gunnar Pétursson, sem reynir ađ vinna ađ líknarstörfum fyrir Palestínumenn og draga orđ hann og athafnir í efa.  Svo dćmi sé tekiđ af innrćti ţessara manna.  Dćmi er um lćkni međ dauđa bloggsíđu, sem skrifar í athugasemdir međ yfirlćti um Gunnar, ađ ţađ sé eđlilegt ađ ungum manni blöskri hegđun hermanna í hernađi, og gerir lítiđ úr Gunnar.  Stéttarbrćđrum lćknisins međ dauđa bloggiđ, í Samtökunum Lćknar án Landamćra, blöskrar, einsog Gunnari sjúkraflutningamanni, en sjálfsagt má gera litiđ úr ţeim líka.  Ţessi lćknir lćtur sér hinsvegar vel líka, ađ ţví er virđist.  Eitt virđast stríđsćsingamennirnir, og ţeir sem láta sér vel líka mannréttindabrotin, eiga sameiginlegt og ţađ er ađ ţeir eru ekki "naívistar".  Sem ţýđir, ađ ţeirra eigin mál, án umbúđa, ađ Arabar og Múslimar eiga allt vont skiliđ og eiga ađ drulla sér heim til sín.  Og ađ Ísraelsríki og BNA eiga ađ drepa allt kvikt í löndum ţeirra.  Hversvegna finnst ţeim ţetta?  Jú, ţetta eru Arabar og Múslimar.  Hér komast menn upp međ endalaust ađ halda úti allskyns kjaftćđi um hluta mannkyns, sem ţeim hugnast ekki,  svo lengi sem ţeir gćta tungu sinnar og setja málflutning sinn í gjafapappír.  Ţeir vilja, ađ heilu ríkin verđi sprengd aftur á steinöld, einsog ţađ var kallađ á dögum Vietnamstríđsins, og segja ţađ fullum fetum, reyndar í gjafaumbúđum,  nú er ţađ Íran og Múslimar (ekki Víetnam og kommúnistar). 

   Hina stundina ţvađra ţessir sömu menn um Jésú krist og kćrleikann.  Frelsiđ og lýđrćđiđ


mbl.is Annar fundur í ágúst
Tilkynna um óviđeigandi tengingu viđ frétt

Sjöundi dagur stríđsins. Michael Ben-Yair:

 

Last update - 02:01 03/03/2002

 

The war's seventh day

By Michael Ben-Yair

 


The Zionist dream's realization and the Jewish people's national rebirth through the creation of Israel were achieved not because of the Jewish side's superior number of tanks, planes or other aggressive means. The State of Israel was born because the Zionist movement realized it must find a solution to the Jews' persecution and because the enlightened world recognized the need for that solution.

The enlightened world's recognition of the solution's moral justification was an important, principal factor in Israel's creation. In other words, Israel was established on a clear, recognized moral base. Without such a moral base, it is doubtful whether the Zionist idea would have become a reality.

The Six-Day War was forced upon us; however, the war's seventh day, which began on June 12, 1967 and has continued to this day, is the product of our choice. We enthusiastically chose to become a colonial society, ignoring international treaties, expropriating lands, transferring settlers from Israel to the occupied territories, engaging in theft and finding justification for all these activities. Passionately desiring to keep the occupied territories, we developed two judicial systems: one - progressive, liberal - in Israel; and the other - cruel, injurious - in the occupied territories. In effect, we established an apartheid regime in the occupied territories immediately following their capture. That oppressive regime exists to this day.

The Six-Day War's seventh day has transformed us from a moral society, sure of the justice of Israel's creation, into a society that oppresses another people, preventing it from realizing its legitimate national aspirations. The Six-Day War's seventh day has transformed us from a just society into an unjust one, prepared to expand its control atop another nation's ruins. The discarding of our moral foundation has hurt us as a society, reinforcing the arguments of the world's hostile elements and sowers of evil and intensifying their influence.

The intifada is the Palestinian people's war of national liberation. Historical processes teach us that no nation is prepared to live under another's domination and that a suppressed people's war of national liberation will inevitably succeed. We understand this point but choose to ignore it. We are prepared to engage in confrontation to prevent an historical process, although we are well aware that this process is anchored in the moral justification behind every people's war of national liberation and behind its right to self-determination, and although we are well aware that this process will attain its inevitable goal.

This is the background of the difficult testimony we have received about actions of Israel Defense Forces personnel in the occupied territories. No need to repeat the details of the painful phenomena entailed in the occupation regime and in our battle to prolong it. Suffice it to recall the killing of little children fleeing for safety; the executions, without trial, of wanted persons who were not on their way to launch a terrorist act; and the encirclements, closures and roadblocks that have turned the lives of millions into a nightmare. Even if all these actions stem from our need to defend ourselves under an occupation's conditions, the occupation's non-existence would render them unnecessary. Thus, a black flag hovers over these actions.

This is a harsh reality that is causing us to lose the moral base of our existence as a free, just society and to jeopardize Israel's long-range survival. Israel's security cannot be based only on the sword; it must rather be based on our principles of moral justice and on peace with our neighbors - those living next door and those living a little further away. An occupation regime undermines those principles of moral justice and prevents the attainment of peace. Thus, that regime endangers Israel's existence.

It is against this background that one must view the refusal of IDF reservist officers and soldiers to serve in the territories. In their eyes, the occupation regime is evil and military service in the occupied territories is evil. In their eyes, military service in the occupied territories, which places soldiers in situations forcing them to commit immoral acts, is evil, and, according to their conscience, they cannot be party to such acts. Thus, their refusal to serve is an act of conscience that is justified and recognized in every democratic regime. History's verdict will be that their refusal was the act that restored our moral backbone.

The author was attorney general from 1993-96

 

 

Ţessi mađur verđur varla ásakađur fyrir ađ vera andstćđingur Ísraels eđa "naivisti" (nýjasta viđurnefni hćgrimanna, kemur í stađ gamals viđurnefnis, sem var "nytsamur sakleysingi".  Dómsmálaráđherra (?) í Ísraels 1993-96.  Mér sýnist, ađ mörgum okkar vćri hollt ađ lesa og ígrunda orđ ţessa manns.  Ekki síst ţeir sem telja sig sérstaka "vini" Ísraels.  Ég vil nú meina ađ ţeir geri íbúum Ísraels engan greiđa međ ţví ađ verja mannréttindabrot yfirvalda í landinu!


Bannađ ađ vera á vergangi?

Ţađ vantar ekki.  Ég var í Róm í fyrra og átti nokkuđ oft leiđ um járnbrautarstöđina.  Ţar "bjuggu" nokkuđ margir heimilileysingjar, sem lent höfđu í rćsinu vegna veikinda sinna.  Ađrir virtust leggja sig ţar svona af og til. Eymdin var mikil! Nú er ţetta fólk ekki bara heimilislaust og á vergangi, heldur er ţađ líka bannađ.  Fíni borgarstjórinn verđur ţá vćntanlega ađ hýsa ţetta fólk einhversstađar.  Vonandi ađ eitthvađ meira verđi gert en ađ loka ţetta fólk inná hćlum eđa fangelsum.  Reyndar borđađi ég ís nokkuđ oft á ţessum sögufrćgu mannvirkjum Rómverja, en ţađ var í fyrra.  Ţađ vćri fróđlegt ađ vita hve margir eru á götunni í ţessari frćgu borg!
mbl.is Bannađ ađ sofa á götunni
Tilkynna um óviđeigandi tengingu viđ frétt

Alveg rétt hjá kallgreyinu!

Hann ţarf ekki annađ en ađ líta í kringum sig heima hjá sér, og kíkja á portfolio páfagarđs, til ađ fullvissa sig um ţetta.  Hvađ páfagarđur ćtti ađ gera viđ auđćfin liggur í augum uppi.  Ţeir eiga ađ úthluta auđnum til ţeirra jarđarbúa sem ekkert eiga.  Og eitthvađ er gert, en er ţađ nóg?  Hvađ hefđi nú frelsarinn sagt um máliđ?  Nei, ég er ekki ađ tala um ţig...
mbl.is Páfi segir mannkyn međ óseđjandi neysluţörf
Tilkynna um óviđeigandi tengingu viđ frétt

Risafangelsiđ Palestína e. Ilan Pappé.

 

In several articles published by The Electronic Intifada, I claimed that Israel is pursuing a genocidal policy against the Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, while continuing the ethnic cleansing of the West Bank. I asserted that the genocidal policies are a result of a lack of strategy. The argument was that since the Israeli political and military elites do not know how to deal with the Gaza Strip, they opted for a knee-jerk reaction in the form of massive killing of citizens whenever the Palestinians in the Strip dared to protest by force their strangulation and imprisonment. The end result so far is the escalation of the indiscriminate killing of Palestinians - more than one hundred in the first days of March 2008, unfortunately validating the adjective "genocidal" I and others attached to these policies. But it was not yet a strategy.

However, in recent weeks a clearer Israeli strategy towards the Gaza Strip's future has emerged and it is part of the overall new thinking about the fate of the occupied territories in general. It is in essence, a refinement of the unilateralism adopted by Israel ever since the collapse of the Camp David "peace talks" in the summer of 2000. Former Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, his party Kadima, and his successor Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, delineated very clearly what unilateralism entailed: Israel would annex about 50 percent of the West Bank, not as a homogeneous chunk of it, but as the total space of the settlement blocs, the apartheid roads, the military bases and the "national park reserves" (which are no-go areas for Palestinians). This was more or less implemented in the last eight years. These purely Jewish entities cut the West Bank into 11 small cantons and sub-cantons. They are all separated from each other by this complex colonial Jewish presence. The most important part of this encroachment is the greater Jerusalem wedge that divides the West Bank into two discrete regions with no land connection for the Palestinians.

The wall thus is stretched and reincarnated in various forms all over the West Bank, encircling at times individual villages, neighborhoods or towns. The cartographic picture of this new edifice gives a clue to the new strategy both towards the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. The 21st century Jewish state is about to complete the construction of two mega prisons, the largest of their kind in human history.

They are different in shape: the West Bank is made of small ghettos and the one in Gaza is a huge mega ghetto of its own. There is another difference: the Gaza Strip is now, in the twisted perception of the Israelis, the ward where the "most dangerous inmates" are kept. The West Bank, on the other hand, is still run as a huge complex of open air prisons in the form of normal human habitations such as a village or a town interconnected and supervised by a prison authority of immense military and violent power.

As far as the Israelis are concerned, the mega prison of the West Bank can be called a state. Advisor to Palestinian Authority (PA) President Mahmoud Abbas, Yasser Abed Rabbo, in the last days of February 2008, threatened the Israelis with a unilateral declaration of independence, inspired by recent events in Kosovo. However, it seemed that nobody on the Israeli side objected to the idea very much. This is more or less the message a bewildered Ahmed Qurei, the Abbas-appointed Palestinian negotiator, received from Tzipi Livni, Israel's foreign minister, when he phoned to assure her that Abed Rabbo was not speaking in the name of the PA. He got the impression that her main worry was is in fact quite the opposite: that the PA would not agree to call the mega prisons a state in the near future.

This unwillingness, together with Hamas' insistence of resisting the mega prison system by a war of liberation, forced the Israelis to rethink their strategy towards the Gaza Strip. It transpires that not even the most cooperative members of the PA are willing to accept the mega prison reality as "peace" or even as a "two state settlement." And Hamas and Islamic Jihad even translate this unwillingness into Qassam attacks on Israel. So the model of the most dangerous ward developed: the leading strategists in the army and the government embrace themselves for a very long-term "management" of the system they have built, while pledging commitment to a vacuous "peace process," with very little global interest in it, and a continued struggle from within, against it.

The Gaza Strip is now seen as the most dangerous ward in this complex and thus the one against which the most brutal punitive means have to be employed. Killing the "inmates" by aerial or artillery bombing, or by economic strangulation, are not just inevitable results of the punitive action chosen, but also desirable ones. The bombing of Sderot is also the inevitable and in a way desirable consequence of this strategy. Inevitable, as the punitive action cannot destroy the resistance and quite often generates a retaliation. The retaliation in its turn provides the logic and basis for the next punitive action, should someone in domestic public opinion doubt the wisdom of the new strategy.

In the near future, any similar resistance from parts of the West Bank mega prison would be dealt with in a similar way. And these actions are very likely to take place in the very near future. Indeed, the third intifada is on its way and the Israeli response would be a further elaboration of the mega prison system. Downsizing the number of "inmates" in both mega prisons would be still a very high priority in this strategy by means of ethnic cleansing, systematic killings and economic strangulation.

But there are wedges that prevent the destructive machine from rolling. It seems that a growing number of Jews in Israel (a majority according to a recent CNN poll) wish their government to begin negotiations with Hamas. A mega prison is fine, but if the wardens' residential areas are likely to come under fire in the future then the system fails. Alas, I doubt whether the CNN poll represents accurately the present Israeli mood; but it does indicate a hopeful trend that vindicates the Hamas insistence that Israel only understands the language of force. But it may not be enough and the perfection of the mega prison system in the meantime continues unabated and the punitive measures of its authority are claiming the lives of many more children, women and men in the Gaza Strip.

As always it is important to be reminded that the west can put an end to this unprecedented inhumanity and criminality, tomorrow. But so far this is not happening. Although the efforts to make Israel a pariah state continue with full force, they are still limited to civil society. Hopefully, this energy will one day be translated into governmental policies on the ground. We can only pray it will not be too late for the victims of this horrific Zionist invention: the mega prison of Palestine.

 


Kenya army accused...

 

Kenya army accused of torture

DANIEL WALLIS | NAIROBI, KENYA - Jun 17 2008 10:00



Kenyan troops fighting rebels in a remote area are killing and torturing civilians in a conflict that has worsened sharply this year but has barely been noticed by the outside world, a medical charity said on Tuesday.

Médecins sans Frontičres (MSF) said an offensive against rebels in the remote Mount Elgon region that began in March had been accompanied by a steep rise in violence against civilians already traumatised by months of fighting.

"In particular, indiscriminate violence is being used against local men, including systematic torture and extra-judicial killings, which has reinforced their fear and terror," it said in a report.

"MSF's medical teams in Mount Elgon have witnessed and treated the injuries," it added.

Local activists have also accused soldiers of torturing thousands of people as they hunt the illegal Sabaot Defence Land Force (SDLF) in caves, forests and hamlets across the long-troubled area bordering Uganda.

The security forces have denied any wrongdoing. Last week, the defence minister and top military officials met a parliamentary committee to deny the allegations in private.

The violence predates the turmoil that followed December's disputed election, but shares many of its root causes -- land disputes, ethnic rivalries and the neglect of outlying areas.

About 600 people have died and 60 000 have been displaced since the SDLF took up arms in mid-2006 to fight for territory it says was stolen from the local Soy community.

Caught in the middle
During operations, MSF said, the army sealed off whole villages before taking men to screening camps, where many reported being humiliated and tortured.

 



"Most men tell how their testicles were pulled or beaten, and how they now fear infertility," the report said. "In some places, up to 50% say they can no longer have erections."

Women reported being gang-raped by soldiers.

But locals also accused the SDLF -- locally dubbed the Janjaweed after Darfur's rebels -- of widespread abuses.

One woman told MSF the militiamen began demanding taxes and extracting "fines" from her village in April 2006. "Gradually they were more brutal. They took five or more people a day and killed them in the mountains, even young children," she said.

"If they saw a man drunk in the street, that meant the man had money so he had to pay an immediate fine. If you didn't have the money, your ear was chopped off. If you resisted, it was your neck."

When her brother-in-law fought back, he was decapitated and his body dumped in a pit latrine, she said.

"Both Kenyan authorities and the international community remain in denial or have chosen to ignore the crisis," MSF said. "The sole response given by the Kenyan authorities up to now has been more violence." -- Reuters

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Enn af ástandinu í Kenya! Morđum haldiđ áfram!

Ákvađ ađ birta hér bréf sem ég rakst á í gćr.  Í Fréttablađinu í dag er frétt um rannsókn sem gerđ var í Kenya á dauđa fólks.  Flóttamenn sem eru enn í Uganda frá Kenya eru um 12000.  Ţau treysta sér ekki heim vegna ástandsins.  Enn er lögreglan ađ myrđa fólk, einsog bréfiđ ber međ sér.

 

Kenya: Executions By Police Must Stop Forthwith

 

The Nation (Nairobi)

 

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The Nation (Nairobi)

EDITORIAL
11 July 2008
Posted to the web 11 July 2008

Nairobi

Civilisation is built largely on a set of rules, which include the Constitution, statute law and the justice system.

Criminals who break the law are supposed to be punished in accordance with the methods spelt out in the laws.

 

When the State itself breaks those laws in the effort to punish criminals, then the State is itself guilty of criminal wrongdoing.

More than that, it is guilty of flouting the very basic tents of civilisation it is sworn to observe, uphold and protect. It is when the State itself starts to ignore and to break the law that the seeds are sown for the descent into anarchy.

It is in this context that the recent arrest and killing of an unknown young man, Peter Maina Wachira, must be viewed.

Wachira, alongside three others, was arrested by police on June 30. His arrest was recorded by newspaper and television cameras, which clearly showed him being handcuffed by uniformed officers.

Less than 24 hours after the arrest, his body and two others were delivered at the Nairobi City Mortuary by police officers. They were booked in as those of "unknown persons" found by a roadside in Ngong.

It has become routine for police to deny that they are carrying out extra-judicial executions, but there should be no escaping this one.

The Administration Police who made the arrest, and the regular police must own up immediately to murder most foul and ensure that the officers responsible are arrested and made to face the law.

There must also be an urgent review of operational procedures so that any policies which allow for such murders are removed.

Relevant Links

 

East Africa
Crime and Corruption
Human Rights
Kenya
Legal and Judicial Affairs

 

 

Mr Wachira may have been, as suspected, a member of Mungiki, a murderous criminal gang that respects no laws. He still deserved to be judged according to the law.

He may also have been an innocent and hard-working matatu driver, killed by the police on mere suspicion, or in a personal vendetta.

The Attorney-General must immediately take up this case and direct a thorough and impartial investigation, if necessary by an independent agency

 

 


Ástandiđ í Kenya.

Ég sé ađ bloggarar sumir eru ađ velta fyrir sér ástandinu í Kenya.  Ţađ eru hćg heimatökin.  Ţarf ekki annađ en ađ fara á BBCNews og smella á linkinn fyrir Afríku til ađ komast ađ hinu sanna.  Fréttamađurinn víđförli hefđi betur skođađ máliđ betur áđur en hann bullađi ţessa vitleysu um ađ allt vćri í góđu lagi ţarna á svćđinu!

Takk fyrir, Gísli Freyr Valdórsson!

Nú er ég kominn á bannlistann hjá Gísla Frey!  Má sem sagt ekki skrifa í athugasemdir hjá honum.  Minn er heiđurinn!  Og svo er mađur líklega á einhverjum svörtum listum hjá sendisveinum ríkislögreglustjóra, ásamt fleirum góđum og gegnum vinstrisinnuđum mannúđarsinnum hér á blogginu!

Er Gísli Freyr...

Ég tók pistil minn af blogginu, ţar sem ég lýsi persónu Gísla Freys Valdórssonar, einsog hún hefur birst mér hér og annarsstađar (á Óméga).  Ástćđan er sú, ađ ég taldi ađ hún hefđi ţjónađ tilgangi sínum, og einnig, ađ hún virtist eitthvađ hafa fariđ fyrir brjóstiđ á Gísla.  Gísli nefnir ţađ í athugasemdum á blogginu sínu, ađ hann skilji ekki alveg, hvađ trúmál koma málinu viđ.  Ég skal útskýra ţađ.  Gísli Freyr sat međ Ólafi Jóhannssyni í ţćtti hans á Óméga.  Ég ćtla svo sem ekkert sérstaklega ađ lýsa áliti mínu á ţessum ţćtti og stjórnanda hans öđruvísi en ţar fara saman  ótrúlegir öfgar og ofstćki ásamt mannfyrirlitningu af verstu sort.  Ţađ er lýsandi fyrir ţann sem tekur ţátt í ţvíumlíku međ stjórnanda ţáttarins međ ţví einu ađ sitja ţar međ honum.   Ţá er ţađ ađ minnsta kosti ljóst!

 


Merkilegt!

Ţađ hefur nefnilega ekki stađiđ á ráđherranum ađ hafa skođun á málinu og tjá sig um ţađ, án ţess ađ kynna sér málavexti útí í hörgul. Reyndar nákvćmlega einsog Haukur Guđmundsson, sem virđist hafa tekiđ ákvörđun um mál Paul Ramses án ţess ađ kynna sér alla málavöxtu og ađstćđur hans á Íslandi.  Ţađ er ástćđa til ađ óttast ađ dómsmálaráđherra, Björn Bjarnason, hafi ţegar tekiđ ákvörđun um niđurstöđu ráđuneytis síns í málinu. 

Ţađ er ástćđa til ađ velta fyrir sér ţeirri hörku og grimmd, sem einkennir viđhorf og framkomu valdsmanna í heiminum.  Ţađ er einsog mannúđ og kćrleikur skorti í allri afstöđu ţeirra, sama hvar er boriđ niđur, lög og reglugerđir eru ţeirra ćr og kýr.  Í Peking og í Reykjavík etc....


mbl.is Ráđherra ókunnugt um máliđ
Tilkynna um óviđeigandi tengingu viđ frétt

BB og ótrúverđugur fréttamađur, sem ráđherra notar til ađ réttlćta gerđir yfirvalda í máli Pauls Ramses.

      Góđ síđa fyrir ţá sem vilja kynna sér ástandiđ, međal annars í Kenya, sem Björn Bjarnason hefur eftir Ómari Valdimarssyni fréttamanni ađ sé svo ljómandi gott. www.kiva.org/  Ćtli trúverđugleikinn fréttamannsins minnki ekki eitthvađ hjá ţeim sem lesa um ástandiđ ţarna.  En ţađ virđist ljóst af málflutningi BB ađ hann hefur ekki í hyggju svo mikiđ sem ađ skođa mál hćlisleitenda.  Skítt međ mannúđ og mannréttindi.  Hann hefur jú lögin og reglugerđirnar sín megin!

Alveg sjálfsagt!

Auđvitađ er alveg sjálfsagt ađ mismuna Suđurnesjamönnum!  Ţetta veit Árni jafnvel og allir ađrir góđir og gegnir Sjálfstćđismenn.  Árni veit ósköp vel, ađ Flokkurinn hefur ekkert ađ athuga viđ mismunun hverskonar, enda taliđ sjálfsagt ađ stuđla ađ sem mestri mismunun í ţjóđfélaginu.  Ţví ber Árna Sigfússyni ađ fagna ţessum merka áfanga Flokksbrćđra sinna í rikisstjórninni.  Og Árni, sem ég veit ađ er vel siđađur Flokksmađur, á ţakka ráđherrunum fyrir, ađ Suđurnesjamenn fá ađ njóta stefnu Flokksins í heilbrigđismálum međ ţví ađ verđa ađnjótandi mismunar!  Ţađ er sćlt ađ vera í Flokknum og njóta mismunar hans!  Ekki satt, Árni Sigfússon?
mbl.is Óviđunandi mismunun segir bćjarstjóri Reykjanesbćjar
Tilkynna um óviđeigandi tengingu viđ frétt

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