22.7.2008 | 14:21
Múrinn styrkir Hamas!
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© Physicians for Human Rights-Israel, 9 Dror St., Jaffa-Tel Aviv 68135, Israel. Phone: +972-3-6873718 Fax: +972-3-6873029 mailto:mail@phr.org.il?subject=Contact |
22.7.2008 | 13:29
Snorri Bergs og Caterpillar.
21.7.2008 | 14:18
"Rannsókn."
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Skotárás á bundinn mann rannsökuđ |
Tilkynna um óviđeigandi tengingu viđ frétt |
21.7.2008 | 14:11
Predíkari á norđurlandi jarđsyngur mann! Sönn örsaga úr norđrinu.
Stjórnmál og samfélag | Breytt 23.7.2008 kl. 01:14 | Slóđ | Facebook | Athugasemdir (0)
21.7.2008 | 13:59
Fyrirsjáanleg viđbrögđ!
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Ekki útlit fyrir ađ ţing verđi kallađ saman |
Tilkynna um óviđeigandi tengingu viđ frétt |
20.7.2008 | 15:27
Ekki hissa!
Ţegar ţetta liđ getur ekki skammlaust flett uppí símaskrá, einsog ljóst varđ í Júgóslavíu á sínum tíma. Ţar gerđi Nato herinn iđulega árásir á rangar byggingar. Má sem dćmi nefna árás á Kínverskt Sendiráđ, árás á útvarpsstöđ o.s.frv.
Gengur varla betur međ landakort en símaskrá!
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Gerđu loftárás á lögreglu og óbreytta borgara |
Tilkynna um óviđeigandi tengingu viđ frétt |
Ísraelskir "extremeistar" sem halda úti heimasíđu um "ÓVINI" Ísraels. Ţar er ađ finna Elías Davíđsson, frú Dorrit forsetafrú, Ehud Olmert og 7000+ sjálfshatara/Ísraelshatara á lista sem ţeir kalla dirt-list. Ţví miđur Ólafur Ragnar og Ólafur Jóhannsson eru hvorugir ţarna. Ţetta má nefnilega heita mikill heiđurslisti!
P.s. Ćtli ţurfi ekki ađ "googla" heitiđ á síđunni til ađ finna ţetta! En einnig má komast inn hér einhversstađar í athugasemdum. Einkar fróđleg lesning!
Stjórnmál og samfélag | Breytt s.d. kl. 13:25 | Slóđ | Facebook | Athugasemdir (0)
19.7.2008 | 23:26
Kemur okkur viđ! Friđur eđa ófriđur? Sumir munu fagna fari viđrćđurnar útum ţúfur! Og ađ ráđist verđi á Íran!
Hvađ myndi gerast ef BNA eđa Ísraelsríki gerđi árásir á Íran í stöđunni, einsog hún er í dag? Ég hef séđ ýmiskonar öfgmenn hér á plogginu međ yfirlýsingar um ađ gera verđa árás Íran. Ţeir eru sjálfsagt ekki ađ hugsa um hinn almenna borgara í ţví landi, konur, karla, börn og gamalmenni, heimsfriđinn né samskipti Vesturlanda viđ heim Múslima/löndin fyrir botni Miđjarđarhafsins. Eđa hver stađa ísraelsríkis yrđi. Nei, ţeir vilja bara stríđ. Allir sem ekki vilja stríđ eru "naívistar". Ţeir vilja stríđ vegna ţess ađ ţeir eru ţeirrar skođunar, ađ ađeins sé hćgt ađ jafna ágreining međ vopnavaldi. Annađ sem einkennir stríđsćsingamennina er, ađ ţeir vilja frekar trúa fordómum sínum og hindurvitnum, en stađreyndum. Ţess vegna, m.a. skrifa ţeir pistla sína og athugasemdir um Gunnar Pétursson, sem reynir ađ vinna ađ líknarstörfum fyrir Palestínumenn og draga orđ hann og athafnir í efa. Svo dćmi sé tekiđ af innrćti ţessara manna. Dćmi er um lćkni međ dauđa bloggsíđu, sem skrifar í athugasemdir međ yfirlćti um Gunnar, ađ ţađ sé eđlilegt ađ ungum manni blöskri hegđun hermanna í hernađi, og gerir lítiđ úr Gunnar. Stéttarbrćđrum lćknisins međ dauđa bloggiđ, í Samtökunum Lćknar án Landamćra, blöskrar, einsog Gunnari sjúkraflutningamanni, en sjálfsagt má gera litiđ úr ţeim líka. Ţessi lćknir lćtur sér hinsvegar vel líka, ađ ţví er virđist. Eitt virđast stríđsćsingamennirnir, og ţeir sem láta sér vel líka mannréttindabrotin, eiga sameiginlegt og ţađ er ađ ţeir eru ekki "naívistar". Sem ţýđir, ađ ţeirra eigin mál, án umbúđa, ađ Arabar og Múslimar eiga allt vont skiliđ og eiga ađ drulla sér heim til sín. Og ađ Ísraelsríki og BNA eiga ađ drepa allt kvikt í löndum ţeirra. Hversvegna finnst ţeim ţetta? Jú, ţetta eru Arabar og Múslimar. Hér komast menn upp međ endalaust ađ halda úti allskyns kjaftćđi um hluta mannkyns, sem ţeim hugnast ekki, svo lengi sem ţeir gćta tungu sinnar og setja málflutning sinn í gjafapappír. Ţeir vilja, ađ heilu ríkin verđi sprengd aftur á steinöld, einsog ţađ var kallađ á dögum Vietnamstríđsins, og segja ţađ fullum fetum, reyndar í gjafaumbúđum, nú er ţađ Íran og Múslimar (ekki Víetnam og kommúnistar).
Hina stundina ţvađra ţessir sömu menn um Jésú krist og kćrleikann. Frelsiđ og lýđrćđiđ.
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Annar fundur í ágúst |
Tilkynna um óviđeigandi tengingu viđ frétt |
19.7.2008 | 19:34
Sjöundi dagur stríđsins. Michael Ben-Yair:
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Ţessi mađur verđur varla ásakađur fyrir ađ vera andstćđingur Ísraels eđa "naivisti" (nýjasta viđurnefni hćgrimanna, kemur í stađ gamals viđurnefnis, sem var "nytsamur sakleysingi". Dómsmálaráđherra (?) í Ísraels 1993-96. Mér sýnist, ađ mörgum okkar vćri hollt ađ lesa og ígrunda orđ ţessa manns. Ekki síst ţeir sem telja sig sérstaka "vini" Ísraels. Ég vil nú meina ađ ţeir geri íbúum Ísraels engan greiđa međ ţví ađ verja mannréttindabrot yfirvalda í landinu!
17.7.2008 | 19:23
Bannađ ađ vera á vergangi?
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Bannađ ađ sofa á götunni |
Tilkynna um óviđeigandi tengingu viđ frétt |
Stjórnmál og samfélag | Breytt s.d. kl. 19:26 | Slóđ | Facebook | Athugasemdir (0)
17.7.2008 | 17:42
Alveg rétt hjá kallgreyinu!
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Páfi segir mannkyn međ óseđjandi neysluţörf |
Tilkynna um óviđeigandi tengingu viđ frétt |
17.7.2008 | 14:04
Risafangelsiđ Palestína e. Ilan Pappé.
In several articles published by The Electronic Intifada, I claimed that Israel is pursuing a genocidal policy against the Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, while continuing the ethnic cleansing of the West Bank. I asserted that the genocidal policies are a result of a lack of strategy. The argument was that since the Israeli political and military elites do not know how to deal with the Gaza Strip, they opted for a knee-jerk reaction in the form of massive killing of citizens whenever the Palestinians in the Strip dared to protest by force their strangulation and imprisonment. The end result so far is the escalation of the indiscriminate killing of Palestinians - more than one hundred in the first days of March 2008, unfortunately validating the adjective "genocidal" I and others attached to these policies. But it was not yet a strategy.
However, in recent weeks a clearer Israeli strategy towards the Gaza Strip's future has emerged and it is part of the overall new thinking about the fate of the occupied territories in general. It is in essence, a refinement of the unilateralism adopted by Israel ever since the collapse of the Camp David "peace talks" in the summer of 2000. Former Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, his party Kadima, and his successor Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, delineated very clearly what unilateralism entailed: Israel would annex about 50 percent of the West Bank, not as a homogeneous chunk of it, but as the total space of the settlement blocs, the apartheid roads, the military bases and the "national park reserves" (which are no-go areas for Palestinians). This was more or less implemented in the last eight years. These purely Jewish entities cut the West Bank into 11 small cantons and sub-cantons. They are all separated from each other by this complex colonial Jewish presence. The most important part of this encroachment is the greater Jerusalem wedge that divides the West Bank into two discrete regions with no land connection for the Palestinians.
The wall thus is stretched and reincarnated in various forms all over the West Bank, encircling at times individual villages, neighborhoods or towns. The cartographic picture of this new edifice gives a clue to the new strategy both towards the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. The 21st century Jewish state is about to complete the construction of two mega prisons, the largest of their kind in human history.
They are different in shape: the West Bank is made of small ghettos and the one in Gaza is a huge mega ghetto of its own. There is another difference: the Gaza Strip is now, in the twisted perception of the Israelis, the ward where the "most dangerous inmates" are kept. The West Bank, on the other hand, is still run as a huge complex of open air prisons in the form of normal human habitations such as a village or a town interconnected and supervised by a prison authority of immense military and violent power.
As far as the Israelis are concerned, the mega prison of the West Bank can be called a state. Advisor to Palestinian Authority (PA) President Mahmoud Abbas, Yasser Abed Rabbo, in the last days of February 2008, threatened the Israelis with a unilateral declaration of independence, inspired by recent events in Kosovo. However, it seemed that nobody on the Israeli side objected to the idea very much. This is more or less the message a bewildered Ahmed Qurei, the Abbas-appointed Palestinian negotiator, received from Tzipi Livni, Israel's foreign minister, when he phoned to assure her that Abed Rabbo was not speaking in the name of the PA. He got the impression that her main worry was is in fact quite the opposite: that the PA would not agree to call the mega prisons a state in the near future.
This unwillingness, together with Hamas' insistence of resisting the mega prison system by a war of liberation, forced the Israelis to rethink their strategy towards the Gaza Strip. It transpires that not even the most cooperative members of the PA are willing to accept the mega prison reality as "peace" or even as a "two state settlement." And Hamas and Islamic Jihad even translate this unwillingness into Qassam attacks on Israel. So the model of the most dangerous ward developed: the leading strategists in the army and the government embrace themselves for a very long-term "management" of the system they have built, while pledging commitment to a vacuous "peace process," with very little global interest in it, and a continued struggle from within, against it.
The Gaza Strip is now seen as the most dangerous ward in this complex and thus the one against which the most brutal punitive means have to be employed. Killing the "inmates" by aerial or artillery bombing, or by economic strangulation, are not just inevitable results of the punitive action chosen, but also desirable ones. The bombing of Sderot is also the inevitable and in a way desirable consequence of this strategy. Inevitable, as the punitive action cannot destroy the resistance and quite often generates a retaliation. The retaliation in its turn provides the logic and basis for the next punitive action, should someone in domestic public opinion doubt the wisdom of the new strategy.
In the near future, any similar resistance from parts of the West Bank mega prison would be dealt with in a similar way. And these actions are very likely to take place in the very near future. Indeed, the third intifada is on its way and the Israeli response would be a further elaboration of the mega prison system. Downsizing the number of "inmates" in both mega prisons would be still a very high priority in this strategy by means of ethnic cleansing, systematic killings and economic strangulation.
But there are wedges that prevent the destructive machine from rolling. It seems that a growing number of Jews in Israel (a majority according to a recent CNN poll) wish their government to begin negotiations with Hamas. A mega prison is fine, but if the wardens' residential areas are likely to come under fire in the future then the system fails. Alas, I doubt whether the CNN poll represents accurately the present Israeli mood; but it does indicate a hopeful trend that vindicates the Hamas insistence that Israel only understands the language of force. But it may not be enough and the perfection of the mega prison system in the meantime continues unabated and the punitive measures of its authority are claiming the lives of many more children, women and men in the Gaza Strip.
As always it is important to be reminded that the west can put an end to this unprecedented inhumanity and criminality, tomorrow. But so far this is not happening. Although the efforts to make Israel a pariah state continue with full force, they are still limited to civil society. Hopefully, this energy will one day be translated into governmental policies on the ground. We can only pray it will not be too late for the victims of this horrific Zionist invention: the mega prison of Palestine.
12.7.2008 | 16:17
Kenya army accused...
Kenya army accused of tortureDANIEL WALLIS | NAIROBI, KENYA - Jun 17 2008 10:00 |
Kenyan troops fighting rebels in a remote area are killing and torturing civilians in a conflict that has worsened sharply this year but has barely been noticed by the outside world, a medical charity said on Tuesday.
Médecins sans Frontičres (MSF) said an offensive against rebels in the remote Mount Elgon region that began in March had been accompanied by a steep rise in violence against civilians already traumatised by months of fighting.
"In particular, indiscriminate violence is being used against local men, including systematic torture and extra-judicial killings, which has reinforced their fear and terror," it said in a report.
"MSF's medical teams in Mount Elgon have witnessed and treated the injuries," it added.
Local activists have also accused soldiers of torturing thousands of people as they hunt the illegal Sabaot Defence Land Force (SDLF) in caves, forests and hamlets across the long-troubled area bordering Uganda.
The security forces have denied any wrongdoing. Last week, the defence minister and top military officials met a parliamentary committee to deny the allegations in private.
The violence predates the turmoil that followed December's disputed election, but shares many of its root causes -- land disputes, ethnic rivalries and the neglect of outlying areas.
About 600 people have died and 60 000 have been displaced since the SDLF took up arms in mid-2006 to fight for territory it says was stolen from the local Soy community.
Caught in the middle
During operations, MSF said, the army sealed off whole villages before taking men to screening camps, where many reported being humiliated and tortured.
"Most men tell how their testicles were pulled or beaten, and how they now fear infertility," the report said. "In some places, up to 50% say they can no longer have erections."
Women reported being gang-raped by soldiers.
But locals also accused the SDLF -- locally dubbed the Janjaweed after Darfur's rebels -- of widespread abuses.
One woman told MSF the militiamen began demanding taxes and extracting "fines" from her village in April 2006. "Gradually they were more brutal. They took five or more people a day and killed them in the mountains, even young children," she said.
"If they saw a man drunk in the street, that meant the man had money so he had to pay an immediate fine. If you didn't have the money, your ear was chopped off. If you resisted, it was your neck."
When her brother-in-law fought back, he was decapitated and his body dumped in a pit latrine, she said.
"Both Kenyan authorities and the international community remain in denial or have chosen to ignore the crisis," MSF said. "The sole response given by the Kenyan authorities up to now has been more violence." -- Reuters
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12.7.2008 | 13:31
Enn af ástandinu í Kenya! Morđum haldiđ áfram!
Ákvađ ađ birta hér bréf sem ég rakst á í gćr. Í Fréttablađinu í dag er frétt um rannsókn sem gerđ var í Kenya á dauđa fólks. Flóttamenn sem eru enn í Uganda frá Kenya eru um 12000. Ţau treysta sér ekki heim vegna ástandsins. Enn er lögreglan ađ myrđa fólk, einsog bréfiđ ber međ sér.
Kenya: Executions By Police Must Stop Forthwith
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The Nation (Nairobi)
EDITORIAL
11 July 2008
Posted to the web 11 July 2008
Nairobi
Civilisation is built largely on a set of rules, which include the Constitution, statute law and the justice system.
Criminals who break the law are supposed to be punished in accordance with the methods spelt out in the laws.
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When the State itself breaks those laws in the effort to punish criminals, then the State is itself guilty of criminal wrongdoing.
More than that, it is guilty of flouting the very basic tents of civilisation it is sworn to observe, uphold and protect. It is when the State itself starts to ignore and to break the law that the seeds are sown for the descent into anarchy.
It is in this context that the recent arrest and killing of an unknown young man, Peter Maina Wachira, must be viewed.
Wachira, alongside three others, was arrested by police on June 30. His arrest was recorded by newspaper and television cameras, which clearly showed him being handcuffed by uniformed officers.
Less than 24 hours after the arrest, his body and two others were delivered at the Nairobi City Mortuary by police officers. They were booked in as those of "unknown persons" found by a roadside in Ngong.
It has become routine for police to deny that they are carrying out extra-judicial executions, but there should be no escaping this one.
The Administration Police who made the arrest, and the regular police must own up immediately to murder most foul and ensure that the officers responsible are arrested and made to face the law.
There must also be an urgent review of operational procedures so that any policies which allow for such murders are removed.
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Mr Wachira may have been, as suspected, a member of Mungiki, a murderous criminal gang that respects no laws. He still deserved to be judged according to the law.
He may also have been an innocent and hard-working matatu driver, killed by the police on mere suspicion, or in a personal vendetta.
The Attorney-General must immediately take up this case and direct a thorough and impartial investigation, if necessary by an independent agency
Stjórnmál og samfélag | Breytt s.d. kl. 13:35 | Slóđ | Facebook | Athugasemdir (0)
10.7.2008 | 20:31
Ástandiđ í Kenya.
8.7.2008 | 22:06
Takk fyrir, Gísli Freyr Valdórsson!
8.7.2008 | 14:07
Er Gísli Freyr...
Ég tók pistil minn af blogginu, ţar sem ég lýsi persónu Gísla Freys Valdórssonar, einsog hún hefur birst mér hér og annarsstađar (á Óméga). Ástćđan er sú, ađ ég taldi ađ hún hefđi ţjónađ tilgangi sínum, og einnig, ađ hún virtist eitthvađ hafa fariđ fyrir brjóstiđ á Gísla. Gísli nefnir ţađ í athugasemdum á blogginu sínu, ađ hann skilji ekki alveg, hvađ trúmál koma málinu viđ. Ég skal útskýra ţađ. Gísli Freyr sat međ Ólafi Jóhannssyni í ţćtti hans á Óméga. Ég ćtla svo sem ekkert sérstaklega ađ lýsa áliti mínu á ţessum ţćtti og stjórnanda hans öđruvísi en ţar fara saman ótrúlegir öfgar og ofstćki ásamt mannfyrirlitningu af verstu sort. Ţađ er lýsandi fyrir ţann sem tekur ţátt í ţvíumlíku međ stjórnanda ţáttarins međ ţví einu ađ sitja ţar međ honum. Ţá er ţađ ađ minnsta kosti ljóst!
Stjórnmál og samfélag | Breytt s.d. kl. 14:08 | Slóđ | Facebook | Athugasemdir (4)
8.7.2008 | 13:54
Merkilegt!
Ţađ hefur nefnilega ekki stađiđ á ráđherranum ađ hafa skođun á málinu og tjá sig um ţađ, án ţess ađ kynna sér málavexti útí í hörgul. Reyndar nákvćmlega einsog Haukur Guđmundsson, sem virđist hafa tekiđ ákvörđun um mál Paul Ramses án ţess ađ kynna sér alla málavöxtu og ađstćđur hans á Íslandi. Ţađ er ástćđa til ađ óttast ađ dómsmálaráđherra, Björn Bjarnason, hafi ţegar tekiđ ákvörđun um niđurstöđu ráđuneytis síns í málinu.
Ţađ er ástćđa til ađ velta fyrir sér ţeirri hörku og grimmd, sem einkennir viđhorf og framkomu valdsmanna í heiminum. Ţađ er einsog mannúđ og kćrleikur skorti í allri afstöđu ţeirra, sama hvar er boriđ niđur, lög og reglugerđir eru ţeirra ćr og kýr. Í Peking og í Reykjavík etc....
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Ráđherra ókunnugt um máliđ |
Tilkynna um óviđeigandi tengingu viđ frétt |
Stjórnmál og samfélag | Breytt s.d. kl. 13:56 | Slóđ | Facebook | Athugasemdir (0)
6.7.2008 | 16:52
BB og ótrúverđugur fréttamađur, sem ráđherra notar til ađ réttlćta gerđir yfirvalda í máli Pauls Ramses.
6.7.2008 | 03:31
Alveg sjálfsagt!
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Óviđunandi mismunun segir bćjarstjóri Reykjanesbćjar |
Tilkynna um óviđeigandi tengingu viđ frétt |
Stjórnmál og samfélag | Breytt s.d. kl. 03:34 | Slóđ | Facebook | Athugasemdir (2)